As the President Barroso nears the end of its term, the perception in some national capitals is that the Commission is now a more "politically weakened institution".
A closer look at the institutional triangle would be enough to reach this conclusion: the European Parliament today is a more powerful institution than the “talking shop” it used to be in the early 50s. The Parliament’s role has been upgraded to that of a co-legislator with the Council in a wide range of policy areas, for the sake of EU citizens' interests and for the sake of Europe's democracy. The Council of the European Union has also changed to include 12 new Member States whose interests need to be accommodated.
In today’s Europe, however, my perception of the European Commission would be slightly different. When I look back in time, since President Hallstein and during its 51 years of existence, l can only recall of a period when the European Commission was (and was allowed to be) bolder, if you like vis-à-vis the Member States. It was during 1985-95 term of Jacques Delors. Back then, however, there were 15 Member States around the table. To use the cartoonist language, there were 17 Commissioners who would probably order coffee and, perhaps, some tea? The French-German axis was fine-tuned, which doesn’t happen for a while; and most importantly: it was in every Member State’s interest to build a common market. These were indeed inspiring days for the life of the European Commission, but they were just about one-fifth of the Commission’s lifetime.
When I look at today’s European Commission, I don’t see a weaker institution, but rather one that is changing. And one that needs to change because we are no longer living in the 90s. Since then, the world has completely changed, Eastern Europe has been “back to Europe” again and the Commission is now a more diverse group of 27 Commissioners, which inevitably faces a risk of fragmentation.
During his tenure, President Barroso has managed to forge consensus between the 27 Member States, big and small, while also reinforcing his own role inside the College. This might have changed collegiality and might have paved the way for a new form of 'presidentialisation', as some have put it. However, I do not see this as a negative development for the institutional life of the Commission. Quite the opposite: tomorrow’s European Commission will need greater doses of consensus to be able to deliver on different fronts and to be inclusive of different actors in society.
President Barroso did set the tone for a more open and flexible Commission. A European Commission that wants to reach out to citizens. A lot more needs to be done, of course. But if we want to re-invent Europe every day, as President Obama has recently said, we cannot be bound by our past, otherwise we will never move forward.
Wednesday, 10 June 2009
Barroso II: an ambitious political programme
José Manuel Barroso has asked EU governments and MEPs to support an “ambitious political programme” for a second term as European Commission president. (...)
Barroso said: “In times of crisis we need a strong European Commission and strong European Union. I believe we are not living in 'business as usual' times. We need ambition and European commitment."
Read the full European Voice article here
Barroso said: “In times of crisis we need a strong European Commission and strong European Union. I believe we are not living in 'business as usual' times. We need ambition and European commitment."
Read the full European Voice article here
My Favourite Cartoon
(click on image to enlarge) Who in Brussels is not familiar with the odd Commissioner that orders his Vodka at the College meeting? When the six Commissioners gathered around the College table in the early 50s, they would all ask for coffee. These days, the twenty-seven Commissioners that make-up the weekly colleage meetings, place their own order, which might not just be the traditional coffee...
This is one of my favourite EU cartoons. Not only because it represents the EU in all its diversity and richness, but also because it captures a very powerful image of the European project that is often neglected: change.
Tuesday, 9 June 2009
Towards the New Parliament
Follow the results of the June 2009 elections at the European Parliament here
Sunday, 7 June 2009
Barroso, Delors, and the Franco-German Relationship
One difference between the Barroso and Delors eras lies in the Franco-German relationship. Mr Delors achieved a lot because Helmut Kohl and François Mitterrand, the former German and French leaders, shared his vision of European integration. There is no such harmony between Angela Merkel, Germany’s chancellor, and Nicolas Sarkozy, France’s president – and neither wants Mr Barroso to step into the shoes of Mr Delors.
Read the full FT article here
Read the full FT article here
"His first five years made his instincts clear"
Mr Barroso’s job is to act as referee. His first five years made his instincts clear. Although he favours EU integration in many spheres, he does not believe that nation-states are the enemy of Europe. He thinks national governments enjoy a democratic legitimacy that hard-core integrationists ignore at their peril. But he is not without faults. He likes the limelight, and talks forever at press conferences. At times, he has been slow to speak out against big EU governments when they bend the rules. His allies counter that he wants to achieve things, and dislikes playing to the Brussels gallery with bold statements or doomed projects.
But he also has more virtues than Brussels insiders admit. It matters greatly that Mr Barroso grew up under a dictatorship in Portugal. He is a liberal who believes in open borders, for people and goods.
Read the full The Economist article here
But he also has more virtues than Brussels insiders admit. It matters greatly that Mr Barroso grew up under a dictatorship in Portugal. He is a liberal who believes in open borders, for people and goods.
Read the full The Economist article here
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